Post fiftieth At fifty, one is usually a mature man and last phase of the development requirements should definitely rest of our lives! Is this true when we transposons in historical statements? Those expecting thereafter, a response to this issue will be disappointed; will also be those who expect a reflection on the sociopolitical historical paths that led us to what we are today and will be especially those who hope to find a retrospective analysis of the process country's development.
This work has the modest ambition simply to engage in a frank debate on the occasion of the fiftieth anniversary of the independence of our country, on ways and means to rectify its trajectory that bodes nothing exactly which port leads does.
grasp the outset the terms of the debate to define our field analysis and conceptual limit our ambitions. We will, therefore, without engaging in the fixion, future directions that we believe will enable our country to position itself on a new orbit - that of development. To do so, we draw on the lessons that we learned of his past issues in modern surveying the broad outlines of his policy and institutional change.
It is important to note that this is an opinion and therefore a position, sometimes very revolutionary on topics such as the constitutional system that we have chosen or the method of our governance or reliability our institutions or on issues such as citizenship or human rights. We propose
ultimately to identify some aspects of a future vision which will shape the contours guidelines of what we will subsequently call "The reconstruction of Mauritania News."
Certainly, it behooves us to make a historic break with a past that already determines our future. Admittedly, it is important to consider the revision of certain dogmas that stigmatize our political culture and our sense of citizenship. Certainly, we should see how some appointments have been missed and to assess the importance and desirability of certain choices can be difficult and serious consequences on the fate of our nation.
Certainly, it behooves us in the end, dreaming of a radical and profound reforms through collaborative, participatory, effective and sustainable, advocating the culture of democracy, dialogue and equality of opportunity.
The approach will, first, to demonstrate that after having long been facing challenges not raised and dashed hopes, our society must invent how to make a turning point in his historical approach. The details of this position deserve to be analyzed by making a real stop on the five decades of taking control of our destiny.
Not to regret our past - let's not nihilistic - or gin for the failures of all kinds which have marked our journey, but rather to draw lessons for the future. It would, indeed, to question our relevance with this and draw our day with more clarity, realism and objectivity. That would be the first part of this work.
In a second part will be explained the importance and depth of the transformation of our state and our Company. We try to decline the major axes of "Reconstructing a New Mauritania" by recasting the levers of the evolution of a number of parameters and aggregate that will impact the future of each. It is, in short, to focus on the factors of our vision and its objectives, which amount, in fact, in one: change. We accept a comprehensive approach for a new republic with institutions set, of balanced powers and methods rigging.
I - The state of play.
Fifty years of hard events often experienced, sometimes violently, leaving memories usually painfully brief, make the most of the history of our country. I want to mention the events of 1966, the war in the Sahara, the totalitarian excesses of 1989 to 1991 and recurrent bloody terrorist incursions in recent years on our national soil.
significant transformations of the political and socio-cultural and economic aspect of our countries are in deep change its consistency. This state of "Muslim Arab and African "that the final structure that is freshly rooted in people's minds, was built in sandstone circumstances, during this half century of independence, on serious threats to cultural and religious tensions and racial divides, ethnic, socio-political and geostrategic importance.
religious and socio-cultural context.
Mauritania is a country in essence, fundamentally Islamic. He is Sunni and ritually Maliki while containing tiny pockets such as the Salafis and jihadis Tablighiyin effervescent recently because of support from the nebula El Qaeda. While all laws have to source Islamic law, Sharia is not - or is more - applied. Justice is administered by a touch, without shock, between Islamic laws and rules of law. Mauritania thus escapes being in the eye of the storm from the west within the Lord's grace.
Simplification of the major contradictions, both social and economic, within our people, hide the fragile cohesion of the nation. Slogans oft repeated by the political sphere - in power or not focus on what unites us: religion and community destiny. These have always been, indeed, ingredients for a peaceful coexistence between different communities secular, but there will always be so?
Unlike the early years of independence, the era of military rule came to the end of ideologies preaching the construction of large regional groupings. It was thus a decline of unifying discourse of pan-Africanism and Arabism. The vanguard policy now advocates the primacy of family, tribe and ethnicity, highlighting, by all means, the importance of these traditional players in the unit national economic development and social security.
If policies continue to place their militancy in ideological movements (Nasserist, Baathists, Islamists, nationalists and Black African Haratine) is only a view to expand and better organize their clans. Clannishness, which led, moreover, in clashes, sometimes without thank you, for control of the state apparatus.
remember, to this end, the repressions against the 80 recurrent ideological movements where the coercive forces of the state have usually been manipulated by a political opponent against another. Thus a wall of silence among Mauritanians had risen throughout the period of emergency regimes from 1978 to 1990 and during what we call the second republic from 1991 to 2005.
A major rupture, exacerbated by the chauvinism of each other, gradually moved between the different components of our society. It was not only racial, ethnic, or religious, but she was also a split within social classes, between generations and between the state and the citizen. She was still a cultural and linguistic, between the Arabic language which draws its arrogance of the Koran and the French who symbolizes the unique legacy of colonialism.
In these circumstances it is hardly surprising that all the events that appeared, over time, divided, without admitting it, the people of Mauritania. The example of the withdrawal of ECOWAS was the most eloquent. This decision was seen by some in his time as a willingness of authorities to open up more about the Arab world at the expense of Black Africa! At the same time, he also raised the issue of ethnic balance - Moorish dominance of the black African! - And that of linguistic divisions - the primacy of Arabic on the French.
Thus a sense of "cultural oppression and marginalization" was felt by the black African community. This feeling reborn later as with the speech by the Prime Minister and Minister of Culture in March on the issue of Arabization.
Geopolitical and strategic.
Neighbourhood Policy adopted, sometimes with difficulty, by the authorities during the early years of our independence, is distinguished by having one foot in West Africa and another in North Africa. The father of the nation also liked to say: "Mauritania is a hyphen between the Arab world and black Africa." It is activated during all his power to build the Arab Maghreb while maintaining a committed and dynamic presence in the African Unity.
This policy n'enchantait not balance its predecessors, judging by nature - sometimes cold, sometimes confrontational - the different moments that have marked our relations with our neighbors. Up the day when we turned back to that, yet we were the closest and with whom we maintain a real exchange: ECOWAS.
On the other hand, the legacy of war in the Sahara has been difficult to manage and confronted our authorities, most often, geopolitical situations confusing. Having been involved in the conflict, Mauritania now adopts a neutral position since the signing of August 1979 with the Polisario.
should just remember that as a solution to this issue without Mauritania will have serious consequences on the internal balance of our country and undermine effectiveness of our work in building the Arab Maghreb. The first coup in the country, who devoted the final entry of the military in national politics, did not foresee the geostrategic conduct that we must adopt vis-à-vis the developments in this case.
The fight against terrorism of AQIM is our responsibility, too, maintain a balance of political reporting - another key geostrategic challenge-with our neighbors, especially Mali and Algeria. Because any tension with one or the other would jeopardize any effective action safe and likely to bring tangible results.
Risks contemporaries.
That's our territory that was committed unprecedented terrorist attacks in this region of Africa. Even today, in a state that combines both factors and the instruments of the threat with a precarious level of control and security, the risk remains high for another attack on citizens' interests or Western symbols .
The war in the Salafist Group for Preaching and Combat (GSPC), born in Algeria and transformed into Al-Qaeda in Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) and efforts to remove activities (drug trafficking and weapons, kidnapping, etc.). our country is a national duty against which the formation of a home front is vital for the salvation of our nation.
Do this for not acting alone, since this phenomenon extends its tentacles in every state in the sub region and therefore all our neighbors are concerned and should contribute to its eradication.
Beyond the terrorist threat, the deportation of major trafficking routes for drugs, expelled American south to the Sahel countries including ours, is worrying.
Added to this the risks involved in emigration menassent that security in our cities and reliability of our marital status.
health risks then, in a context of openness and large scale displacements with the resurgence of communicable diseases and communicable diseases like tuberculosis, cholera and AIDS.
Environmental Hazards in the end, as illustrated already advanced in the desert, the threat of flooding of our capital, the gradual silting of the river Senegal, water stress around the country, uncontrolled logging areas urban criminal deforestation and expansion of the pollution in our marine wildlife and our natural areas, now, vast reservoirs for toxic waste related to mining companies located here and not inclined to the rigors of their profession.
Structural Issues.
Mauritania knows increased drought affecting its growth, bad governance plagued his administration - despite the enormous efforts made to tackle-cons, a private and informal archaic and stifling and paralyzing let go all development initiatives. The Mauritanian economy is insufficiently diversified business base with a little more integrated and export performance should be improved.
These risks and structural handicaps, which are setbacks, must be therefore regarded as priority target for partners in the country and especially for his government. Strengthening security, infrastructure development and financial systems, regional integration, capacity building of the state, promoting partnership with the private sector, the revitalization of trade and the encouragement of initiative and creativity are all challenges that need to be tackled with urgency and relevance.
For this, good governance and economic policy remains the key to sustainable development in our country. For in reality, in the global context of the new century, the break is not only between wealth and poverty. It is now one that is installed between the powers still or incompetent, corrupt or non-transparent and a population often left to their fate and led a sometimes violent desire for change.
It is in the background to the emergence of a conflict between state and citizen. The real risk is therefore that which would be supplied, or retain the contradiction between the stability of the first (power) and the aspirations of the latter (the population). Now, the durability of a power depends much on a close and immediate, the sustainability of development and stabilization of the same ones who, thanks to what it is in place. For what
governance?
In a context of lack of content and continuity in the programs of government, what meaning can be given to governance? To answer this question, should we not ask further: Who should manage the state? For what purpose and for whose benefit ?
The government is rarely the sole source of power in our country is a political sphere that is the holder. Moreover, it is often the political sphere-and not exclusively government-which is the author of bad governance.
But if the political sphere includes, beyond the administration, players outside of official channels, how can there be good governance and how the public authority within the unit state only, she manages? When officials are so abusive use of measures and arbitrary decisions and they reveal unable to enforce laws or when acting under orders from persons outside the traditional administrative channels, this is not it reveals the weakness of the state?
In this context, generally, the governance problem is expressed through the crises of legitimacy and, in parallel, the willingness of those in power to their advantage to control the socio-political recomposition. Political governance is, in these cases, much of the nationalism of unsavory or return to the traditional forces that hide bad an effort to circumvent democracy.
Better, behind the screen of formal institutions and membership to the principles of multiparty verbal, of human rights and democracy, there is often maintained more or less disguised censorship, intimidation, harassment or destabilization opposition parties (whether by the appointment of their leaders or buying of consciences, or by bullying and repression) and the monopoly of state media. Priority
leaders no longer looking for the political and democratic development, but the creation of a status quo which is reduced to maintaining order and survival. Most is to endure and remain in power. If there is stability, there is a more personal and institutional stability since it is based primarily on the political meaning of leadership and its ability to create and manage a coalition around his person.
The nature of the state would fall and the neo-patrimonialism that encompasses not only patronage but nepotism, tribalism and corruption, which are components of the State underdeveloped. Profound confusion sets in and quenches all practical distinction between the conduct of public affairs as such (governance) and the institutional use of force to simply remain in power. Under these conditions, the underdevelopment threatens to become a permanent condition more than a transitional stage.
In Mauritania, the desire for good governance coincides with the end of the second half of this decade, when there had been a surge of political and economic liberalization. Indeed, a certain idea of good governance, one that questions the response capacities and accountability of the state and its agents, began to emerge in our country. She is still shy and faces enormous challenges, because, paradoxically, the state consolidates its power at home beyond the public sphere.
This would foster the emergence of mandatory areas of interest and lobby groups above the law. These generally untouchable channel access circuits to public services and decision and stand between the citizen and the state, weakening it and relativizing its action.
However, a weak state facing a multitude of problems simultaneously: social infrastructure deteriorating, weakening the political game, declining relations between communities, widening the gap between the state and society and between those who govern and those who oppose and slow or no decision.
In such cases, governance is concerned less with the administrative management - spontaneous actions and costly for the state-owned enterprises, too congested an overstaffed, neglect, cronyism, nepotism and lack of control or disorientation of condition - that of political management. More
Therefore, the involvement of public sector corruption is a symptom of weak governance and out of step with the economic requirements of our country. If in fact, the notion of governance is a reflection of the methods through which the country is run, the process by which agents are co-opted or the ways in which they are monitored and controlled, and the government's ability to develop and implement effective action plans, we are always on the wrong side of the plate.
Decision Process.
The first power of independence from 1960 to 1978, with a single party and a national assembly oriented conformist state, gave himself the difficult task of construction, development and modernization of the country while controlling simultaneously its political, economic and administrative. This state-paternalistic administration did not consider it necessary to bring the dialogue beyond the public and political spheres that collide and merge in the management of state affairs and the development of decision making.
During the period of military rule from 1978 to 1991 the country experienced the hegemony of the Presidency and the absolute powers of the Head of State. He is sole master on board, appoints and dismisses the Government whose members are responsible only to him and has, alone, the power of appointment and dismissal for civil and military. It also has the final say on all economic transactions, financial and political course, slowing the process of making and creating at the same time corrupt middlemen and opaque channels between government and citizens.
The so-called democratic period that ended in 2005 and is roughly a continuation of the previous one, knew the emergence of centers of political pressure ¬ administration. The sham democracy in response to the speech at La Baule in June 1990 which we stowed among "those who take the step with courage," introduced forms of electoral clientelism. Policy "that is not with me is my enemy" or more than "one who is not the enemy of my enemy is my enemy" plunged the public space in the easement of a limited circle .
Some regional groupings, ethnic or tribal, supposedly favorable to the political opponent of the moment, would be entirely excluded from benefits and state services. Malfeasance at the top is justified by the constant strategy of destroying the political opponent and to limit its circle of sympathy, even though it meant depriving a part of the national territory of minimal development.
The revision of the constitution after the coup of 2005 did not touch the powers of the president, though considered too great and accused of being behind all the totalitarian excesses. The same practical difficulties related to the devolution of decision making and decentralization in general, persist, despite the wishes of the people of Mauritania and its political class to see that change.
The opacity of operation, handling rules and customizing administrative relations remained the hallmarks of administrative political game in this country.
change, reconstruction and renewal are not yet at the appointment and the methods have changed little or not. Yet, will happen if not a process of profound and complex transformation of the habits and mentality, "Mauritania News" as sung, will remain in effect, the prerogative of an unrealistic ambition, or worse, a slogan populist campaign or a fashionable theme in discussing shows and other meetings of idlers.
missed appointments.
The course of our country is marked by appointment missed, dreams unfulfilled and repressed ambitions. One holds our attention: the revision of the 1991 constitution in 2006. The "consensus" national obtained after days of consultations on the terms of reference of the proposed constitutional reform does not substantially change the constitutional regime that was in force in the country.
reform repeals and replaces some items considered at the base of the monolith of the old regime and the impossibility of any alternation. Most focused on the President of the Republic: the age, the limitation of its mandate and its exclusive function.
But democratic forces and citizens of most countries aspire to, the goal was to adapt our institutions to bring democracy to the thirsty. The radical revision of our presidential system to break with the show recurring coups that seem essential to the despotism because the President of the Republic with powers under the constitution are enormous, was highly desirable. But, again, one hand "invisible" stood up strongly for us to wring the neck of our hope!
The vote in favor of "yes" prevailed, not only because of the proposed reforms, which certainly represented a claim denied, but mostly because if the "no" prevailed it would mean the extension of the transition and, accordingly, maintaining the military regime with, of course, the risk of settling comfortably in time. The political class did not take that risk and contributed greatly to the success of the poll, as elsewhere, she closed her eyes to the independent candidates who, however, go against the tide of history and cons of the foot- democratic culture.
The crisis comes, a little over a year after the presidential election, that was predictable because the political system carries within it the seeds of instability. Once again, the coup of August 6, 2008 or "correction movement" had to stop the momentum of excessive powers of the President of the Republic and its involvement in the operation of other constitutional institutions!
The presidential election of July 2009, following the Dakar agreement, which put an end to the institutional crisis, should be the starting point for new perspectives in order to clean the country's political scene, laying the foundation for its national reconstruction plan and review how and what new institutions for a democratic republic and stable.
inclusive dialogue should continue between the various protagonists and is the only hope that Mauritania on, is it being born of antagonism, sometimes virulent, among the various national political actors, or be- he missed another appointment?
II-"The Reconstruction Mauritania News."
For many of those I knew him, even briefly, what country they wish to apart from the rest of the world. Mesmerized by the images still fresh in the memories of coups, revolutions palaces, under development, poor governance practices or unwilling at least common sense and civility, they retain a representation halfway between fatalism and indifference.
Mauritania is a country condemned it to perpetual underdevelopment? Will it always be subject to the same socio-political requirements of another era? Our state is still very young and fragile construction, or are we, instead, towards a contemporary state that is moving forward ? Are we stable and free of alternating muscular, or hear us, once again, the ringing sound of boots on the marble palace tan? What have we done to prevent this? Institutionally?
Sustainably? Will we have stability in the convent which hatch and, necessarily, the dynamics of social progress and economic development, or will we ever move away from the world? Whether politicians or men of the street, the general approach that is made of the country remains largely defined by the dismay and despair bitterness.
Yet even as we voilons a growing pessimism, the will and dynamism of the leaders of the time require another reading of the situation and prospects of the country, including wealth, her youth and growth, constantly increasing, suggest a more promising future.
Certainly, progress is still hesitant because everything has to be redone, to set up and rebuild and we do not know where to start. Because, dare to national reconstruction "a Mauritanian News" presupposes a complete break, deep and sometimes brutal with some political and social history. Next, it suggests a change of mentality, a change in habits and an open outlook still unknown. It requires, finally, a broad-spectrum cooperation among political forces and citizens of the country so sincere and responsible.
At this point, we can allow ourselves to decline the major areas of national reconstruction through a set of parameters whose base is a multidimensional reform of the state and society. Political reform
Political reform begins in fact by the Basic Law. While the constitutional amendments made in 2006 were a strong popular demand but they do not score, so far, a break with the past and therefore do not constitute any improvement of political governance. In fact, the political crisis in the parenthesis Sidi Mohamed O / Cheikh Abdallahi, raises both institutional failures, lack of amendments to the constitution and the urgency of breaking with the system we have imposed .
It is true that the CMJD had, without consultation or debate, moreover, instituted reforms that led somewhere, a healthier political environment, such as constitutional amendments focusing on President Republic, the reform of the voting, the status of the opposition, the reliability of the electoral register, the creation of an independent electoral commission and the new interim legal framework requiring the presence of women on electoral lists at a level providing access to representative assemblies. But the essential was it not elsewhere?
"The presidential system is small kings in the African Republics" says Professor Mamadou Coulibaly advocating a break with the presidential system adopted by most African states after independence. Should, for our case, like a change of institutional framework or "dare a new way" Like other African countries? The democratic model as it has been dropped is not suitable to our socio-political realities.
Indeed, the presidential system is characterized theoretically by the strict separation of bodies and their confinement in their functions divided by the Constitution. Gold is in the distribution of power that "the devil is' and we could detect the weaknesses of the regime. For African countries like ours where the democratic culture not yet internalized the flaws in the system are maintained by the politicians who are responsible for leading institutions.
The presidential system as we practice it may tender, or better yet, has always tended toward a kind of dictatorship because we tend to give much power-all power from elsewhere - the Head of State . This ability of the President of the Republic to be the sole command of the executive was responsible for many of the abuses that we are still paying the piper.
solutions often improvised-the military coups - Have proved far-reaching consequences for our stability, our brand, our development and even our national cohesion. Should we not advocate collaborative approaches that will have the advantage of having power-cons and put in place institutions that can constitute barriers fragmenting power and distributing it through several hands and institutionalize mechanisms and balanced in the relations between these powers?
However, we do not praise the parliamentary system (monistic or dualistic) or semi-presidential regime and we consider that there no particular preference for any particular type of scheme as there is no angelic regime. There are political regimes and that compliance leads to stability. Therefore it is better to ask about the conditions of production of legal texts and to involve the people in advance in their development by engaging in discussions of great extent before proposing the referendum.
social reform.
Beyond the annual celebration of the day called for national reconciliation, the state should look to benefit communities discriminated against socially, culturally, economically and therefore politically. It must stand against all practices that led to fracture still open between the components of our people and between them and the State. I want to remind all forms of slavery, exclusion, violation, marginalization and slavery.
Building trust lost between state and society is necessarily repairing all the damage done during this half century of independence, for an administration often very inexperienced and unprepared to exercise its functions. The immediate revision of certain powers entrusted to him and their final allocation to local councils from the people must be imminent, twenty five years of existence is ample time to give our common latitude to deal with administrative problems of their localities.
The organized return of refugees is an important step towards repairing the damage liability humanitarian, but they are only strong and concerted action that will permanently resolve the crisis arising from this fact.
The proliferation of symbolic gestures is needed to entrench the culture of a to live together in new consolidated basis where the roles given to state institutions and citizens are delineated to establish a modern, accountable, democratic and free. The character now too institutional relationships between state and people are characterized by a lack of consultation and involvement, do not allow the administration to be more attentive to the impulses of a society undergoing profound change.
Our achievements, both in terms of national unity as that of our democratic achievements, remain vulnerable and should arm themselves with courage and lucidity to recognize the glaring inadequacy and provide build a strong consensus around national issues important to clean the seeds of "The Reconstruction Mauritania News."
Reforming citizen.
citizenship remains to be built in Mauritania. The model of a citizen jealous of its prerogatives and ready to fight to maintain freedom and regain their rights of citizenship is a stage that we have unfortunately not yet reached. Democracy in his understanding of social citizenship is a sovereign individual and respected and largest democracies were built through battles of ideas centered on social projects, largely based on citizenship.
In our country, it is clear that the redefinition of the social contract arises more due to a real crisis of legitimacy of the institutions due to the obsolete nature of the "contract of confidence" between the state and the citizen supposed to structure any functioning democracy. Indeed, the failure of democratic practices, the permanence of some wounds still open, wanting to defraud, violate the order and circumvent the law at all costs and bigotry surrounding - whether ethnic, religious or cultural- hinder the emergence of true citizenship and contribute to the decomposition of cement national backbone.
Thus, in our country, modernism, and the development of communications infrastructure and the progress of urbanization have not yet succeeded in drafting a detribalized society, citizenship and nationalism.
Nevertheless, welcome the dynamism of our civil society within which the women have also found a scene of expression and organization. The organization of civil society is therefore a hope where diets retain a capacity to redeploy their coercive power.
Economically, governance in our country must be reviewed either in terms of institutions but of citizenship. It would therefore place the development of citizenship and citizen control at the center of the process of good governance because the question of citizenship must be the test to verify that this government operates. We must not, however, remember that governance is not democracy-the standard rules may vary from one country to another, and that the rule of law is the application of the law of that state as is is given.
Gold Standard control the level of democracy of a country depends much on the degree requirement of its citizens vis-à-vis their institutions. Is it possible therefore to achieve a building or the emergence of participatory citizenship? It is this aspect that we must cultivate in the future.
On a political level, the bond of trust between state and society must give birth to a compromise between those who govern and those who oppose through, firstly, ongoing consultation on matters of national interest and Then by creating a new legal framework requiring a quota of appointments opponents in public service jobs and state companies to a level that their accession to the highest levels of the decision.
this way only will we be able not only to streamline our administration but of moralizing and political practices and institute a new civic culture. Western democracies, for the sake of involvement and participation of all political forces in shaping the decision, have invented political process where minorities are present in the exercise of power. The shadow cabinet or shadow cabinet in England is a prime example.
In our case, a democracy with a governing majority and an opposition who opposes it is not another weakness of our constitutional system?
administrative reform.
In addition to the adoption of the Declaration on Decentralization and Local Development, and a code which provides communities the erection of the region to the level of local government, the State must encourage the implementation of a great political redeveloped anxious to see more equitably the administrative division and regional levels. In this regard, we advocate a redistribution inspired by the country's socio-economic requirements and takes into account the cultural realities and decentralized entities.
Our projection for "Reconstruction Mauritania News" contains three major regions summarizing, in sum, the administrative partition of the country: an industrial area north of the country (including Nouadhibou Tiris Zemmour, Adrar and 'Inchiri), another for agricultural south (including Trarza, Brakna, Gorgol and leGuidimagha) and a third pastoral vocation to the east (including, Tagant Assabaet the two HODS).
Nouakchott is a region inhabited by the centralized political and administrative affairs of the country. This option should be broadened and developed in a political process involving the election of regional councils with powers to decentralized management of affairs of the region.
Institutional reform.
Our institutions are there adequate and able to contribute to the modernization of our society? Are they effective, useful, relevant and sufficient? We believe that institutions with which we are a colonial nineteenth century - State Jacobin centralism with the ideologies of the Republican administration - and therefore inadequate for the demands and aspirations of our society.
regards the executive, we have that the concentration of all powers in one hand is a source of abuses and despotism. Rearrangements are needed both on the responsibilities and competence. The Prime Minister, for example, which is responsible both to the President of the Republic - who appointed - that before Parliament - who votes his policy - must have own powers he held at an economic and social program and, therefore, he must choose the composition of his own government and submit it to parliament.
regards the legislature, the Senate is a body that overloads the legislature both in terms of representation (senators represent the same administrative districts as members) and in terms of the voting process (the laws are voted under the same terms). Our vision for "The Reconstruction of New Mauritania" offers its removal because bicameralism is a luxury we can not afford.
Setting Holiday parliament two thirds of the year is also the problem of the rationalization of these institutions appear more like an ornament of the Republic only as means of control and monitoring of government action.
A reform of the judiciary is also imperative in an environment of openness and partnership with the world because of legal uncertainty hampers business growth and alters the process of economic development. An independent judiciary is also a sign of the vitality of our freedoms and our dreams.
With regard to other institutions - constitutional or otherwise - "The Reconstruction of New Mauritania" suggests some improvements that are likely to make them more functional and therefore more useful:
• The Economic and Social Council is an institution must be converted into a regional council elected by local people (following the logic of the administrative division that included three major regions) and to be a sort of regional parliament actor in local development;
• The High Islamic Council must prove and thus prove useful or be dissolved;
• The Ombudsman is an important institution that has been emptied of its substance. It must be governed by a board whose composition must return to the Senate, National Assembly and the institution of the opposition to respond unequivocally to his true vocation;
• The INEC, whose organization has s inspire the composition of the political scene, is an instrument of electoral transparency. Its role should be expanded to the organization, supervision and control of elections. It must be permanent and not wait for consultations electors are called to be implemented;
• The HAPA, should be the symbol of power it represents, that of information. It must be capable of ensuring media freedom and lead the country towards the immediate liberalization of the airwaves. We are the only countries in the region or may be the world have only one radio and one television station and soon the only agency to have a national information and title appearing in his name. The composition of the HAPA shall include representatives of the institution of the democratic opposition to ensure access of the opposition to public media and allow debates.
• The National Army at the end, whose presence on the political scene-and sometimes actor, sometimes instrument has conditioned the path of the country for over thirty years, must refrain from constitutionally political game that is the responsibility of civilians in a democratic state and focus, once and for all, the noble mission assigned to it and thereby define the role which must be reserved in the higher spheres of authority whose legitimacy is now up to the people.
Our Vision " Reconstruction of Mauritania News "offers at the end of these various findings, a major constitutional reform involving all aspects of national politics. She spends course through political dialogue between different actors. Dialogue, which should not only be a claim of the opposition, but beyond that, a new political culture and citizenship and a form of civility.
Indeed the evident lack of political communication, the lack of dialogue and consultation between the national political in their breasts and between them and the State, both the majority and the opposition and suffocation new views, not to say the conformism of the political class in general, are serious handicaps for the establishment of solid foundations for a future national reconstruction.
Beyond the themes developed above, the reform should expand on topics such as the Election Code (involving political parties and civil society in its development), proportional (by limiting the political diversity of municipal councils) and conditions of eligibility (minimum education for mayors, deputies and senators). It must also touch the issue of independent candidates and " changes jackets "of politicians who go against the noble teachings of democratic culture.
Also on a social plan, the meteoric rise of inequality, rampant and uncontrolled urbanization and the emergence of new social dynamics revolutionizing our society, raise the problem of our national cohesion and suggest the establishment of collaborative mechanisms for consolidate and strengthen it.
Finally, the last finding of this series lies in national integration, without which the development will face tremendous hardship and, in any case, will be delayed. Indeed, without a real economic integration, underdevelopment, rather than a transitional stage, could be definitive.
National unity necessarily unfolds in diversity in which we find the foundations of a viable and sustainable integration. The stifling of our diversity creates impulses in society a deep identity crisis and weakening the state dooming any effort to integrate economic and political.
The great challenge of this integration is then finding ways of enabling communities to flourish without opposition to the state, because even small, it remains an inescapable reality.
Our desire for "The Reconstruction of New Mauritania, conscious of the active role that the state can play in national integration, proposed to be awarded to the three major regions (depending on redistricting advocated above) sovereignty in managing their economic and social affairs through a kind of regional power. Only then could the State is effectively engage in the path of integration, whose conditions must pass through the promotion of locally based on a communal concept that national sovereignty.
by Deddahi El Ghailani
28-11-2010
